SOMALIA: A Traitorous Path

“The myth that statehood development can only be achieved by following the path set out by those who initially hindered our advancement has long been dispelled. I for one cannot accept the Somali constitution for the simple fact that it does not encompass the equitable dreams, hopes and the bright future I would like for my nation.”

Introduction: The System

Significant commentary has been held and written about this East African nation for the last few decades. Historically Somalia was celebrated by most African states as a pioneer in governance during the postcolonial era, the same can be said for many other African nations of the time. Today Somalia has fallen so far as to be deemed a fragile or failed state; most don’t realise or appreciate the implication of the term “failed state.”

Whether the expression itself is justifiable with regards to Somalia is debatable and I often find myself questioning the qualification criteria. Nevertheless what is evident without any doubt is the path the International donors always take to stabilise such brittle nations, often at the detriment of the state itself. There are many examples to enable us the full comprehension of the process and its subsequent failures.

Owing to academic and personal interests, I paid close attention to the internationally accepted model of State building. A standard used as the only solution for post conflict development. In recent years countries like Afghanistan, Iraq and South Sudan have undergone the same processes with very apparent results. Furthermore, a number of countries in sub-Saharan Africa, Asia, the Pacific and Latin America have also been subjected to these disadvantageous and contextually deprived processes. To delve further, the collapse of the former Soviet Union enabled western donors to use this same system in the Balkans, which are now frequently unstable with sporadic ethic based violence a usual occurrence, Ukraine being a prime current example.

The issues are varied and this must be appreciated in order to be objective. However what the International community always seems to negate are the systems developed by the citizens in the absence of governance before their intervention. It is human nature to fill vacuums in such extraordinary situations. Our need for structure, law and order dictates that we must, irrespective of whether there is a complete or partial collapse of state organs. An example is the money transfer system “Hawala” that has been pivotal to almost anything and everything the country has functioning today.

Additionally there also seems the critical absence of understanding whether the perceived collapse is over decades or just a break down of the rule of law, for example during post election violence. One can go as far as to say that the system although understandably erroneous, it is maintained due to the revenue or geopolitical advantages gained by the International donors.

The rebuilding of the Somali nation can clearly highlight the fiascoes of these International arrangements. Bear in mind that I am a person who holds great interest in Somalia, as it is my heritage land. This obviously comes with a degree of bias that stems from wanting the best for my people and my continent of Africa at large.

Stage 1: Creation Of A Political Class

It is important that one understands that the structure undeniably gives emphasis to only three areas of progress. The first is the creation of a political class, a process that makes beneficiaries indebted to their benefactors rather than the people they are to constitutionally in place to serve. Moreover it is based on a selective process; often the ones who qualify are the individuals who are mostly forthcoming to the donor’s agendas, regardless of their fiduciary responsibilities.

Due to the connectivity of the globe today, information travels at an unprecedented pace. The morning perusal of online news agencies, social media notifications and other online sources leads to the discovery of unconstitutional, illegal and authoritarian use of office by government officials in Somalia.

Even more alarming is the actions of the International community who I might add are on ground, under the guise of laying the foundations of law and order. Their actions have constantly contradicted international accords. One such example is the EU purchasing land within Mogadishu Airport, the sale agreement stated “The contractors shall not employ Somali national or personnel of Somali origin for the provision of the service on-site except for the construction phase.” Extract from official EU documents obtained by Dalsoor, reported by Jamal Osman
Undoubtedly this agreement will be legally scrutinised for obvious reasons, if not only for misuse of Presidential powers.

Further examination of agreements signed by subsequent “transitional and regional administrations ” over the last three decades, without reservation will unveil severely damaging contracts signed under either duress or corruption. In May last year Puntland President Abdiweli Gaas along with the Federal President Hassan Sheikh Mahmud signed the Garowe Agreement. In effect it was aimed at dividing the Somali citizens contrary to numerous Articles of the Somali Constitution.

Stage 2: International Peacekeepers.

The Second stage of this process is the deployment of International Peacekeepers. Billions of aid money goes into the securing of the now created Somali political class. To put the figures in perspective the European Union recently announced that it would scale down the funding given to AMISOM, starting with the 5,400 strong Burundian contingencies in Somalia. An estimated total of $65 million annually was paid to the government of Burundi, with the government receiving $13 million directly. There is no dispute that the EU funding enabled the despotic regime in Burundi, yet the question is, if $65 million is afforded to just one arm of AMISOM what is the total cost of this operation?

Even more pressing is how this undermines the Somali state by virtue of a practical foreign occupation while delaying the training of its own security apparatuses. If I might add, the vastly underfunded and underequipped Somali security forces have proven over and over again their ability to combat the threat of Al-shabab. One can only wonder what we could achieve with adequate training and development of a multi-regional security force.

Sadly the reality is our forces are trained and funded separately. I dare say that this practice in itself is problematic given our tribal afflictions and the age-old doctrine of divide and conquer. If you should query my line of thought, please do so baring in mind the sectarian war currently raging in Iraq. The US government equipped and trained the Shia establishment in a sectarian divided country, then sat back and watched while the guns were turned on the Sunnis. There are many arguments that identify this ill-considered process to the rise of the Islamic State.

The International Peacekeepers often have a simple mandate; take care of the donors on ground and their beneficiaries. The average citizen is not part of that command, rather they face constant collateral damage and sexual abuses because the rule of law doesn't exist or function in a state undergoing the rebuilding procedures. These abuses are well documented and are not just unique to Somalia. Sooner rather then later there will be an inquest into AMISOM and the numerous rapes of poor Somali women and children not to mention the loss of civilian lives.

Similarly one must not forget the interconnectivity of geopolitical games, the recent Dadaab closure announcement by the Kenyan government, which is also partaking in the AMISOM program is based on EU funding. Europe wants in on the lucrative exercise, why should it pay for African armies when they have large contingencies awaiting deployment? Britain has already taken the leap and is actively on ground paving the way for the rest of the continent to follow. The resurgence of colonialism perhaps one can argue, the global financial meltdown makes it a realistic threat to the continent.

Stage 3: The Elections.

The final and third element of state building is the electoral process. This in my opinion is used to justify the billions of funds wasted, and that Somalia will be expected to pay back. This money is spent in the name of people of an impoverished nation, lavishly in hotels and residences in Kenya and the world at large. How do you prove you have completed state building? Hold a shambolic election where only your beneficiaries will vote, further cementing the unjust constitution.

To ensure everyone votes as demanded, the International donors strong-arm their beneficiaries and cut of political engagement for individuals who represent a threat to the overall agenda. This in turn allows a system of nepotism to flourish and government positions going to individual who are unfit for purpose. The donors must turn a blind eye because it is a lesser evil than to lose a yes-man; another clear example is the recent signing of the electoral process.

Leadership Vacuum.

One cannot forget how Ms. Yussur Abrar vanished over night after just a few weeks into her tenure as Central Bank governor. The incident indicated to a string of revelations, expressively blaming the incumbent government, and its complicity in fraudulently appropriating frozen Somali assets. In her resignation letter to the president Hassan Shiekh Mohamud she stated: “From the moment I was appointed, I have constantly been asked to sanction deals and violate my fiduciary responsibility to the Somali people as the head of the nation’s monetary authority.”

This is not a one off incident; so many well-qualified and genuinely patriotic Somali professionals have disengaged with their nation because of corruption. I must commend Ms. Yussur; her letter was deeply heartfelt by so many hopeful Somalis. If we considered the whole International drive for equality and the participation of more women in state affairs, how is it that there was almost absolute silence but for a few honest donors on her plight?

Maybe it is not as simple as I put it, or maybe I am just a young naïve Somali man who lacks the contextual knowledge required to understand the complexities of state building. Nevertheless a system that lacks any interest in the millions of poor, destitute and disenfranchised Somalis is a system not fit for purpose.

After all how can one be so ingenuous as to think they can build a state without addressing the poverty and displacement that comes with conflict? If we are serious about establishing governance in Somalia that is for the people, the average citizen must be receptive to the philosophy of politics. A hungry and uneducated person will see no benefit in lining up at the polls, rather survival by any means will determine the outcome.

The donors must quickly realise that the over 70% of young Somalis who see a few diaspora and local politicians running around with armed guards taking all the spoils for themselves will not allow a fraudulently painted peace and stability euphoria to take hold of our young nation. Some will die at sea, migrating to where the politicians raise their families, and some will die in Somalia fighting for whichever side can afford a $200 wage bill.

We are no longer disillusioned by our shortcomings that arise from our inexperience. Many of us have seen the corruption and the wayward direction our people are being led. It is inevitable that we will hold all those who have wronged our nation responsible for their unscrupulous actions. This is a promise we have pledged as individuals and as the future of the East African nation.

Hamza Egal © copyright 2016 all rights reserved.